Repository for Oil and Gas Energy Research (ROGER)

Abstract:
This paper examines public perceptions of shale gas development in China and the United States. Public perceptions are important, as they are known to influence public policy at national and local levels of government in both multi-party and single-party governance systems. Online surveys were conducted in several states/provinces in each country, the US survey in 2014 (N = 2833); the China survey in 2016 (N = 1571). Similar survey instruments were used in both countries.The survey results show that the reported levels of public support for shale gas development among Chinese respondents in select provinces are significantly higher than that among US respondents in the states included in this study. Perceptions of the advantages and disadvantages of shale gas have both similarities and differences. Shale gas is perceived favorably in both samples because it is seen as a way to reduce dependence on foreign energy suppliers and strengthen the economy. The potential environmental advantages appear to be relatively more important to Chinese respondents than to American respondents. The statement “shale gas development is good for the environment because it substitutes dirty energy such as coal and oil” is seen as “Extremely important” by 54.23% of all Chinese respondents but by only 33.75% of American respondents. When it comes to the potential disadvantages of shale gas development, concerns about impacts on drinking water quality are important in both samples. Earthquakes related to shale gas is the second most important concern to Chinese respondents but a lesser concern to US respondents. We argue that the results are consistent with risk experiences, a variety of socio-cultural theories, and differences in media coverage in the two countries. Future work should examine how public perceptions in the two countries change over time, and how the stances of environmental groups, government, and industry may influence public opinion.

Abstract:
With unconventional oil and gas booming in commercial development, its inevitable environmental damage has aroused the public’s vigilance. To support the regulation improvement and early-warning system building, it is of great need to learn the regular patterns in recurrent violations both for practitioners and governments. In this respect, we utilized the “Oil and Gas Compliance Report” from the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection from 2000 to 2019, a total of 5737 violation records, to dig out the historical violation patterns. Through LDA (Latent Dirichlet Allocation) analysis combined with the decision tree model, our research attained the following conclusions: first, we find that the LDA themes of violations as “Erosion and sediment” and “Water pollution” are critical factors for “Failed” enforcement results. Therefore, policymakers and practitioners should pay more attention to those two types of accidents. Second, it is noted that counties are also one of the essential features that matter the enforcement results. Third, we need to consider the role of economic punishment dialectically, while it is not a significant feature for successful enforcement results. That is to say, a monetary penalty may not necessarily improve the effectiveness of the company’s measurements.

Abstract:
Research on hydraulic fracturing has documented disruptive effects on communities, noting parallels with and departures from previous energy “boomtown” studies. Some recent national and regional-scale research utilizes proximity to energy industry activity as a predictor of public opinion and perceived impacts of hydraulic fracturing, but few studies examine the role of proximity at the local scale. The current study focuses on two Pennsylvania communities that experienced a heavy wave of Marcellus Shale development, testing whether proximity to different levels of industry activity predicts the degree of support for and perception of impacts from hydraulic fracturing. Also examined is the effect of perceived exposure to industry activity. The results of this study show that proximity to hydraulic fracturing activity matters, reducing support for hydraulic fracturing and strengthening views of community and environmental impacts. This effect of proximity is, however, indirect, operating through respondents’ perceived exposure to the array of hydraulic fracturing activities that took place in their areas.

Abstract:
In many countries, natural gas is perceived more favorably than other fossil fuels. Here, we experimentally test (N = 2931) how perceptions of natural gas vary depending on what it is called. We find that Americans have stronger positive feelings for the term “natural gas” than “natural methane gas” (d = 0.59), “fossil gas” (d = 0.80), “fracked gas” (d = 0.81), “methane” (d = 0.94), and “methane gas” (d = 0.96). Democrats and Republicans both reported more positive views of “natural gas” than “natural methane gas” or “methane [gas].” But the patterns for the two political parties differed for perceptions of “fossil gas” and “fracked gas,” which were both viewed relatively positively by Republicans but negatively by Democrats. Analyses of open-ended word associations found that many participants associated methane with words like “pollution” and “global warming,” whereas they associated natural gas with words like “clean.” The results suggest that the terms used for this fossil fuel have very different meanings among the public, which may affect people's risk perceptions, consumer choices, and support for related policies.

Abstract:
Drawing from hazard and disaster literature, this article advances Freudenburg’s concept of recreancy and Hobfoll’s Conservation of Resources theory in response to calls for more theory development in research on hydraulic fracturing. Respectively, these theoretical frames refer to stress associated with trust in institutional failure to safeguard the wellbeing of society, as well as resource loss, threat of loss, or investment of resources without return or gain. We contribute to the expanding body of knowledge in energy and social science research by investigating risk perceptions of induced seismicity (earthquakes) associated with hydraulic fracturing processes. Using structural equation modeling, we analyze data from a 2018 household telephone survey in two regions of Oklahoma (N = 600). Findings indicate that perceptions of recreancy (β = 0.38), opinion of fracking risks (β = 0.31), and number of earthquakes (β = 0.11) directly affect perceptions of earthquake risk, while political views, economic resource loss and views of fracking benefits are indirectly related to perceptions of earthquake risk.

Abstract:
Public response to energy projects affects the emergence of new technologies and the distribution of their risks and benefits. Here we use thousands of individually authored comments submitted during a regulatory review of unconventional shale gas development in New York State to reconcile previous, inconsistent results about the relationship between proximity and opposition to energy projects. We find that members of the public opposed unconventional shale gas development for different reasons, which varied systematically with proximity to unconventional gas wells. Public discourse in proximate communities was diverse, invoking environmental, social, economic and political impacts, and was anchored by concerns specific to a particular place. By contrast, a few nationally salient environmental concerns dominated public discourse in communities farther from development. Our results demonstrate that public response reflects the mobilization of alternative constituencies with unique understandings of the issue. Distinguishing among these is critical for understanding the nature of public response.

Abstract:
Oil and gas development has led to environmental hazards and community concerns, particularly in relation to water supply issues. Filing complaints with state agencies enables citizens to register concerns and seek investigations. We evaluated associations between county-level socio-economic and demographic factors, oil and gas drilling, and three outcomes in Pennsylvania between 2004 and 2016: number of oil and gas complaints filed, and both the number and proportion of state investigations of water supply complaints yielding a confirmed water supply impairment (i.e., “positive determination”). We used hierarchical Bayesian Poisson and binomial regression analyses. From 2004 to 2016, 9,404 oil and gas-related complaints were filed, of which 4,099 were water supply complaints. Of those, 3,906 received investigations, and 215 yielded positive determinations. We observed a 47% increase in complaints filed per $10,000 increase in annual median household income (MHI) (Rate Ratio [RR]: 1.47, 95% credible interval [CI]: 1.09–1.96) and an 18% increase per 1% increase in educational attainment (RR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.11–1.26). While the number of complaints filed did not vary by race/ethnicity, the odds of a complaint yielding a positive determination were 0.81 times lower in counties with a higher proportion of marginalized populations (Odds Ratio [OR]: 0.81 per 1% increase in percent Black, Asian, and Native American populations combined, 95% CI: 0.64–0.99). The odds of positive determinations were also lower in areas with higher income (OR per $10,000 increase in MHI: 0.35, 95% CI: 0.09–0.96). Our results suggest these relationships are complex and may indicate potential environmental and procedural inequities, warranting further investigation.

Abstract:
A relatively new term for categorizing hazards is that of “techna” hazards, or seemingly natural phenomena induced by human technology or activity. The human origin of these hazards means that mitigation aimed at addressing the underlying cause of the hazard is a possibility, which is often not considered possible with traditional natural hazards. Currently, however, there is a dearth of literature regarding how perceptions of the underlying cause of the hazard influences beliefs regarding disaster risk reduction strategies for the hazard. Thus, this work examines the factors that predict beliefs regarding whether a techna hazard can be stopped or reduced, the best actions that should be taken to reduce or stop the hazard event, and whether current regulation efforts aimed at stopping or controlling the activities causing the hazard are enough. We specifically examine the case of fluid injection induced seismicity in Oklahoma and Colorado in the United States. We find that, contrary to our expectations from prior literature, exposure to the hazard is not a strong predictive factor of these beliefs. Perceptions of the underlying activity associated with the hazard, in this case hydraulic fracturing and oil and gas development, is significant, in that those with more positive views of the industry activity are more likely to believe the earthquakes cannot be stopped and favor less intense regulative efforts to address the hazard.

Abstract:
A considerable body of academic research has emerged in the last decade identifying many environmental consequences of unconventional hydraulic fracturing (‘fracking’ or ‘UHF’) in the U.K. (for example, on climate change, air pollution, wastewater disposal and water contamination). However, there is much less research on the economic implications of fracking, particularly regarding property values and contributions toward energy security. This article will draw upon primary data collected through twenty semi-structured interviews with key-informants to the fracking industry in the U.K. (including a variety of interviewees from regulatory bodies, academia, the oil and gas industry, and anti-fracking campaigners, giving a reasonable breadth of knowledge, experience and opinion). Qualitative analysis of interview data concludes fracking will contribute only minimally to energy security, whilst having a perceived negative impact for the value of property, particularly those located within close proximity to extraction sites.

Abstract:
Hydraulic fracturing or “fracking” is a relatively new method of energy extraction that makes it possible to use considerable amounts of shale gas that were hitherto unreachable. Although proponents of fracking voice their hopes for energy independence and an economic boost, fracking has been under discussion in several countries, its possible risks playing a key role when it comes to political decisions regarding the technology. This paper shall examine media discourses surrounding the usage of fracking with a specific regard to the risks that are constituted. Discourses in the UK, the US and Germany are compared, focusing on similarities and differences. These three countries are chosen since the political approach on fracking has been quite different, with the US being one of the first countries to use fracking. The corpora are analyzed with a focus on the depiction of conflictive issues in the framework of so-called agonality. The public perception of risks is shaped by their dominance in the media and the way they are phrased (e.g. as something to worry about), which means that differences in the depiction of risks between the corpora of these three countries are particularly noteworthy. Most readers will not be experts on fracking and thus rely on linguistic descriptions of the technology and its possible potentials and risks. Thus, it is important to analyze how language constitutes fracking. While all three corpora focus on risks concerning drinking water, there are major differences, e.g. when it comes to the discursive weight of earthquakes that might be caused by fracking. Although this is a risk that could affect all countries, only the UK press describes this as a serious risk. The paper also focuses on risks that are harder to grasp, e.g. threats to the traditional social structure of communities where fracking is practiced.

Abstract:
Youth perspectives on energy interventions are rarely sought or acted on in local and national policy, despite the stake young people have in the future created by today’s energy and environmental policies. The debate on unconventional shale gas development (hydraulic fracturing, or ‘fracking’) is one context in which decisions taken today have long-term, intergenerational consequences, with environmental justice intersecting with energy needs. This study investigated young people’s perceptions and experiences of exploratory fracking and associated political processes in order to understand their experiences of environmental justice. In depth, qualitative field research was conducted with 84 young people in locations within 20 miles (32 kilometers) of operational exploratory fracking sites prior to the moratorium in England announced in November 2019. Data were analysed with attention to recognition, participation and distributional justice. Young people experienced environmental, democratic and social injustices through lack of recognition of their aims and values as both youth and members of a rural community, and exclusion from formal participation in decision-making. Young people saw economic and thus environmental power residing with industry closely tied to national government, and experienced a tension between desire to trust institutional authority and betrayal by these same institutions. We argue that this case study of young people in ‘the sacrifice zone’ demonstrates a connection between depoliticisation and anti-politics, and that these processes undermine trust in democracy. There is a need for recognition and meaningful inclusion of young people and local communities in decision-making, particularly where the consequences of the decisions last for generations.

Abstract:
The hydraulic fracturing (fracking) boom has outpaced both our understanding of its potential impacts on human health and the environment, as well as the legal and regulatory frameworks in place to govern it. We conducted interviews in Pennsylvania with individuals living in communities affected by fracking to examine how residents perceive the laws and regulations that are in place to protect them from its risks. We found that residents felt that they lacked access to sufficiently comprehensive and comprehensible information about the potential risks that fracking poses. We then drew from scholarship on the use of information disclosure as a regulatory tool to discuss the need for increased information transparency in the fracking context, and proposed several policy interventions that could ease the information asymmetry experienced by residents in these communities.

Abstract:
The essence of policy conflicts remains largely underdeveloped, both theoretically and empirically. We explore policy conflict and explain its cognitive and behavioral characteristics using data from a survey administered to policy actors involved in oil and gas politics in Colorado, USA. The analysis begins with a description of the cognitive and behavioral characteristics of policy actors and then combines them into a single index to depict varying intensities of conflict. Cognitive characteristics are comprised of three dimensions: disagreement on public policy, perceived threats from opponents, and an unwillingness to compromise. Behavioral characteristics include engagement by policy actors in a range of activities, from mobilizing opponents to providing information to the media. Ordered Logit models are used to associate the attributes of policy actors with cognitive and behavioral characteristics and an index of conflict intensity that combines these two characteristics. The conclusion offers questions and recommendations for future research.

Abstract:
Residents of rural communities with histories of booms and busts in natural resource extraction often have divergent and simultaneously complex views on whether continued development of such industries is desirable. For instance, while many residents appreciate the economic benefits generated by these industries, some are also skeptical about disruptions resulting from expanding or continuing resource extraction. We use social representation theory and a mini-boom/bust framework to examine Bakken Shale residents’ perceptions of current and continued development of the oil and gas industry, including the role of industrial legacy and environmental concerns. Data from our 2016 survey indicates that about one in four residents see oil and gas development as positive for their community, but at the same time, felt relief that the most recent boom slowed in pace. We refer to this as the Goldilocks View of Development and see it as evidence of support for a mini-bust. In terms of continued development of the industry as represented by the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline, we found a high level of support for construction, and that political party, belonging to a local organization, and trust in industry to address spills are key predictors of such support. As natural resource dependent communities such as those in the Bakken Shale continue to experience unconventional oil and gas development in a mini-boom/bust context, it is important to understand residents’ perceptions so that state and local governments can develop policies towards the industry that address local concerns.

Abstract:
Unconventional oil and gas development (UOGD) expanded rapidly in the United States between 2004 and 2019 with resultant industrial change to landscapes and new environmental exposures. By 2019, West Texas’ Permian Basin accounted for 35% of domestic oil production. We conducted an online survey of 566 Texans in 2019 to examine the implications of UOGD using three measures from the Environmental Distress Scale (EDS): perceived threat of environmental issues, felt impact of environmental change, and loss of solace when valued environments are transformed (“solastalgia”). We found increased levels of environmental distress among respondents living in counties in the Permian Basin who reported a 2.75% increase in perceived threat of environmental issues (95% CI = −1.14, 6.65) and a 4.21% increase in solastalgia (95% CI = 0.03, 8.40). In our subgroup analysis of women, we found higher EDS subscale scores among respondents in Permian Basin counties for perceived threat of environmental issues (4.08%, 95% CI = −0.12, 8.37) and solastalgia (7.09%, 95% CI = 2.44, 11.88). In analysis restricted to Permian Basin counties, we found exposure to at least one earthquake of magnitude ≥ 3 was associated with increases in perceived threat of environmental issues (4.69%, 95% CI = 0.15, 9.23), and that county-level exposure to oil and gas injection wells was associated with increases in felt impact (4.38%, 95% CI = −1.77, 10.54) and solastalgia (4.06%, 95% CI = 3.02, 11.14). Our results indicate increased environmental distress in response to UOGD-related environmental degradation among Texans and highlight the importance of considering susceptible sub-groups.

Abstract:
Unconventional gas (UG) continues to play an important role in Australia's energy supply, though it depends on having a social licence in local regions where it is planned or operating. Little research has examined how a social licence for UG development varies between pre-approval and operating phases of the industry. Using survey data for 800 residents, this research examines overall attitudes and underlying perceptions of coal seam gas (CSG) in two agricultural regions in Australia in different phases of UG development – Narrabri, New South Wales (NSW) in the pre-approval phase and the Western Downs, Queensland (Qld) in the operational phase. While the proposed development was considerably smaller in Narrabri than in the Western Downs, Narrabri residents were more likely to reject the proposed CSG development. However, this was not due to these residents having less favourable underlying perceptions of CSG development. In fact, they viewed some aspects of CSG development more favourably than their Qld counterparts. The difference was attributed to a unique phase effect which we argue reflects an enhanced “opportunity to say no” in the pre-approval phase of development. Nonetheless, underlying perceptions still predicted individual variation in attitudes and feelings toward CSG very well, suggesting that while enhanced opposition can be expected in the pre-approval phase, overall attitudes and feelings can also become more positive by improving the underlying drivers important for determining local residents' perceptions of the industry such as industry impacts and benefits, governance, distributional fairness, and trust in the industry.

Abstract:
Unconventional gas plays a significant role in transitioning to low carbon energy sources; however, its extraction is socially contested, and proponents increasingly face social licence issues. Explaining social acceptance for unconventional gas is complex, with multiple factors at play. This study uses comprehensive statistical modelling to explain social acceptance of a local coal seam gas (CSG) development in its pre-approval phase. Using a representative sample of 400 randomly selected residents in rural Australia, the statistical model explained 83% of variation in acceptance and measured interdependencies between eight factors determining acceptance. These factors were: effects from industry activity (perceived impacts and perceived benefits); distributional fairness (the spread of costs and benefits); the relational aspects between the host community and industry (perceptions of trust in industry, relationship quality and procedural fairness); governance of the industry (informal and formal governance, and trust in governing bodies); and knowledge (of the local CSG industry). Results showed that perceived impacts were the main driver of acceptance, with perceived benefits, distributional fairness, and trust in industry the next most important determinants. Relationship quality and procedural fairness predicted trust. Industry knowledge was only a minor determinant of acceptance. Those ‘rejecting’ CSG development had starkly more negative perceptions of the underlying factors than those ‘supporting’. However, both had higher self-rated knowledge than those who felt ‘lukewarm’ about CSG. This highly predictive statistical model can be used by industry to direct their efforts at the most important drivers of acceptance, such as benefit sharing and addressing concerns about impacts, and for planning their community engagement and communication. Policy makers and regulators can use the model to guide their expectations of industry when assessing projects for approval, including building trust through effective community engagement. Moreover, the research suggests that information is best targeted at residents with ‘lukewarm’ or less established views, and points to the importance of providing them with specific information about important factors underlying social acceptance such as benefit sharing, impact mitigation, procedural fairness, and governance, rather than general industry information. These insights help create the necessary preconditions for establishing a social licence to operate for an onshore gas development.

Abstract:
Technological advances in oil and gas drilling have enabled the productive extraction of natural gas in new regions. The benefits from employment and income opportunities can help stimulate economies and may be valued by local residents. At the same time, however, shale gas activity can alter natural landscapes and is associated with negative externalities, including potential groundwater contamination. While some previous research has examined the impact of shale development, our paper focuses on the local impacts in West Virginia, a state with a long history of resource-extraction and one whose economy has lagged the nation. Because of its history of resource extraction, communities in West Virginia who may have limited other economic prospects may value the activity differently. Additionally, most of the previous research used data during the initial boom, ignoring the slowdown that followed. Using the coarsened exact matching (CEM) technique, we match houses near producing wells with other similar houses, in order to examine how property values in West Virginia are affected by proximity to horizontal producing wells. This technique helps compensate for the relatively small number of housing transactions in West Virginia, ensuring we have a good counterfactual. After matching, we estimate the average capitalization effect of houses near producing shale wells. We find that the price of all houses (regardless of water source) decreases as the number of surrounding wells increases. However, we also find some evidence that this effect varies over time and that the negative capitalization effect attenuates over space.

Abstract:
Although party affiliation is a strong predictor of differences in citizen opinion about a wide range of public policy issues, the picture is more complex for unconventional gas development (UGD) through hydraulic fracturing. Using data collected in Colorado (n = 390) around the time of the highly polarizing 2016 Presidential Election, we conduct a latent class analysis based on individual perceptions of the possible risks and benefits of UGD. Instead of finding attitudes polarized along party lines, citizens in Colorado parsimoniously cluster into three substantially sized groups that cannot be explained by party identification and sociodemographic variables. We also test the value of group membership by assessing association with individual voting behavior at the hypothetical ballot box using language from actual measures filed for placement onto the 2016 Statewide Ballot in Colorado. Results suggest that attitudes toward UGD may be better explained by perceptions of potential costs/disadvantages and benefits/advantages rather than traditional sociodemographic and political party variables. This suggests that understanding public opinion on fracking means moving beyond our traditional conceptualization of opinion formation, even in today’s politically polarized environment.

Abstract:
This article compares the topics that underlie public debate around hydraulic fracturing covered in newspapers across nine U.S. states over an eleven-year period. In analyzing more than 7000 newspaper articles using Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) modeling, thirteen main topics emerge. While these topics fluctuate over time, their relative frequency and, hence, importance in the discourse remains largely constant. The environmental risks associated with the practice is the topic that receives more attention when all data are aggregated. We find that the frequency of the topics varies by state, and the nature of this variation is associated with the political leanings of the state, with media sources in Republican governed states more likely to report on the economic benefits associated with hydraulic fracturing. Finally, we show how all topics are associated with words that indicate the presence of conflict among stakeholders involved in discussions about the costs and benefits of hydraulic fracturing. In doing so, we describe how the association between topics and conflict varies according to which party governs the state, which provides evidence about the fundamental differences on how parties consider the practice of hydraulic fracturing in the states we study. We conclude the article by discussing the advantages and disadvantages of our methodological approach, which can be leveraged to discern trends in discussions about environmental and energy-related problems that exceed the specific case of hydraulic fracturing.

Abstract:
In this study, we explore the lived experiences of communities at the frontier of shale gas extraction in the United Kingdom. We ask: How do local people experience shale gas development? What narratives and reasoning do individuals use to explain their support, opposition or ambivalence to unconventional hydrocarbon developments? How do they understand their lived experiences changing over time, and what sorts of coping strategies do they rely upon? To do so, we draw insights from semi-structured interviews with 31 individuals in Lancashire, England, living or working near the only active shale gas extraction operation in the UK until the government moratorium was announced in December of 2019. Through these data, we identify several themes of negative experiences, including “horrendous” participation, community “abuse,” disillusionment and “disgust,” and earthquakes with the potential to “ruin” lives. We also identify themes of positive experiences emphasizing togetherness and community “gelling”, environmental “awareness,” everyday energy security with gas as a “bridging fuel,” and local employment with “high quality jobs.” Finally, we identify themes of ambivalent and temporally dynamic experiences with shale gas that move from neutral to negative regarding vehicle traffic, and neutral to positive regarding disgust with protesting behaviour and the diversion of community resources. Our study offers context to high level policy concerns and also humanizes community and resident experiences close to fracking sites.

Abstract:
Hydraulic fracturing (‘fracking’) is a policy problem that is both a spatial and temporal issue, touching on economic, environmental, health, safety, political and social concerns of interest to youth. This empirical study focuses on the impact of fracking on youth in communities in England. The Capabilities Approach is used as a lens for understanding the experiences of young people in their late teens. The article draws on focus groups with young people which took place within a 20-mile radius of exploratory fracking sites. The study contributes to the understanding of youth experience of controversial energy interventions. Findings suggest that fracking prevents young people from living the lives they have reason to value, and has, and will continue to have, a negative impact on wellbeing in the present and in the future. Fracking creates conditions of corrosive disadvantage for affected youth. Greater inclusion of youth perspectives in environmental decision-making is needed.

Abstract:
This paper puts forward an anarchist political ecology critique of extreme energy extractivism by examining corporate and state responses (or ‘political reactions from above’) to anti-fracking resistance in the UK. The planned drilling for unconventional gas and oil through hydraulic fracturing has triggered unprecedented opposition, with protest camps, direct actions, and legal challenges disrupting operations and slowing down planning and exploration development. Drawing on green anarchist thought, critiques of extractivism, statism, and industrialism, and a (corporate) counterinsurgency framework, I examine the strategies adopted by drilling companies and state actors to manage resistance and win the ‘hearts and minds’ of the population, deploying tactics from greenwashing in local schools to harsh policing of dissent. The latter has included the criminalisation and stigmatisation of land defenders, targeting campaigners as ‘domestic extremists’, physical abuse, targeting protesters with disabilities, and entering public-private security partnerships with local police forces which involve the ‘outsourcing’ of police communication to drilling companies. Such actions are complimented by the contracting of PR firms, lobbying, sponsorships of sports clubs and school competitions, ‘astroturfing’, and influencing local so-called democratic procedures. This has gone hand in hand with political efforts to classify operation sites as ‘Nationally Significant Infrastructure projects’ to facilitate the suppression of protest. These strategies are embedded in a recently well-documented history of police infiltration and corporate spying, laying bare an unapologetic commitment to sacrifice human and nonhuman wellbeing for industrial growth, commitment to extractivist ideology and centralisation of power at the cost of further eroding local autonomy and control.

Abstract:
Attending to the role of visualizations in discourse formations allows for detecting the emergence of particular visual storylines. This article studies the emergence of visual storylines in energy policy, in particular shale gas controversies. The analysis is based on data gathered in three internet regions: the Netherlands, New York State, and South Africa. The analysis studies how visualizations may contribute to confirmation, disintegration, integration, or polarization of discourse coalitions due to similarities or differences between visual and discursive storylines. From the results, we suggest the notion of visual discourse coalitions (VDCs) to contribute to the study of visualizations and discourses in policy controversies. We define a VDC as a network of actors that share a similar discursive storyline and a similar visual storyline of the controversy. The article shows that visualizations and their graphic characteristics add another dimension to the formation of discourse coalitions and the way they develop, connect, or disconnect.

Abstract:
Proponents of the US shale oil and gas industry argued that American citizens’ economic prosperity and national security were at stake if the industry was not rapidly expanded. Following copious amounts of a certain type of “patriotic” rhetoric, the industry grew rapidly. Simultaneously, foreign ownership of US shale industry infrastructure occurred in tandem with calls for new policies and laws to limit US citizens’ democratic rights with regard to the industry’s activities. As a result, we argue that the development of the US shale industry has weakened national security by creating negative security externalities and eroding democratic values. We offer implications for other democratic societies rich in natural resources.

Abstract:
As unconventional fossil fuel production expands in much of the world, so does controversy, and in many cases, public opposition. This study explores citizen perceptions, support, and opposition for several types of unconventional fossil fuel in the case study of Canada, where such production continues to grow. We use a nationally representative survey of Canadians (n = 1407) to assess citizen acceptance of oil sands development and natural gas development using hydraulic fracturing, as well as related infrastructure (specifically the Northern Gateway, TransMountain, and Energy East pipelines). We compare this acceptance to other forms of energy generation, namely conventional oil, coal, renewables, and nuclear. Across the Canadian sample, oil sands and pipelines tend to have less acceptance than renewables and conventional oil, but more acceptance than nuclear and coal power. Acceptance for unconventional fossil fuel development and infrastructure is consistently higher among respondents in Alberta (the province where most development occurs), where respondents perceive more economic benefits and less environmental and social costs. Within each region, acceptance levels are similar for oil sands and oil sands pipelines, while hydraulic fracturing has significantly lower acceptance within all regions. Regression analyses indicate consistent patterns: opposition to unconventional fossil fuel developments and infrastructure is predicted by higher biospheric-altruistic values and environmental concern, and support is predicted by higher egoistic and traditional values and higher trust in oil and gas companies. Results provide insights to policymakers and stakeholders, including regional differences in acceptance, and how citizens perceive oil sands related projects differently than hydraulic fracturing.

Abstract:
Using data drawn from random samples of residents in and around two boroughs located in Lycoming County, Pennsylvania, we examined individuals’ recollected pre-development and post-development perceptions of selected issues associated with Marcellus Shale development. Descriptive statistics revealed that the pattern of residents’ recollected pre-development and post-development perceptions was more or less the same. In general, issues that residents perceived would worsen prior to the development of natural gas (recollected pre-development perceptions) were viewed as worsening after the upstream activities began (post-development perceptions). The same pattern held for those issues that residents had perceived would improve. Paired sample t-tests were used to determine whether any statistically significant differences existed between residents’ recollected pre-development and post-development perceptions. Results revealed that the mean scores for residents’ recollected pre-development and post-development perceptions differed significantly for the overwhelming majority of issues.

Abstract:
The American public is split on support for hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”). This study seeks to better understand fracking attitudes by predicting support via economic, environmental, and public health concern. We find support for fracking is intertwined with political partisanship. We show those identifying as “other” political party are significantly more likely to claim “don’t know” in response to questions of fracking support. However, fracking attitudes are not solely the product of political ideology, but also of perceived effects on the environment, the economy, and especially public health.

Abstract:
Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) are a policy tool for local governments to gain more control over unconventional oil and gas development. MOUs ideally empower local governments to minimize potential risks by negotiating more stringent best management practices directly with the operators, who benefit from a more stable regulatory landscape. This study investigates the energy justice dimensions of these MOUs as they were negotiated in the midst of community conflicts in Colorado. By comparing two communities whose local governments differently managed the public meetings, our analysis points to the significance of the everyday practices of government representatives for promoting recognition and procedural justice. We track the expressions of trust and mistrust expressed by the “interested public” who actively participated in the meetings to better understand the shifting relationships among those citizens, state and local government, and industry. In the community where local government representatives facilitated recognition and procedural justice, the conflict ended with stronger expressions of trust in that government than in the other community. Expressions of trust in industry and state government remained negative or worsened in both communities.

Abstract:
The engagement of residents in hydraulic fracturing (fracking) debates within regions in which extraction occurs is critically important for shaping fracking policies. Such engagement may be less likely to occur in such regions, however, due to social factors associated with fossil fuel dependence, or what has been termed petro-statism. Alberta, Canada, is just such a place, and we use survey data (N = 226) from a sample of residents in Lethbridge, Fox Creek, and Rosebud—three Alberta communities where local residents have experienced nearby proposed or active fracking for natural gas. We found the social capital attributes of trust and self-efficacy, as well as concern for the impacts of fracking, strongly predict public engagement in fracking issues in the three study sites. Annual household income, education, and working in the energy sector also shape citizens’ participation in fracking. Furthermore, we found that trust in particular institutions can have different levels of influence on personal and collective engagement.

Abstract:
Oil and gas development has grown rapidly in recent years in the United States, generating substantial debate over its risks and benefits. A large body of research has surveyed individuals living in and around producing regions to evaluate their views on the industry, with somewhat mixed results. Here, we present the first detailed analysis on this topic using real-world voting data, drawing from precinct-level results of a 2018 election in Colorado that included a vote on Proposition 112, which would have set very large setback requirements on new oil and gas activity. We find partisan affiliation correlates very strongly with support for oil and gas development, that voters in precincts with higher levels of oil and gas activity are modestly more supportive of the industry, but that this support weakens in precincts where development has grown most rapidly.

Abstract:
A strong online response has marked contention on shale gas from the outset, as campaign members link across borders to share information and inform themselves about the impacts of development. In this article, we apply a post-political lens to online activity in the English shale gas debate, to determine how this complex information ecology has shaped the dynamics of protest. Using shale gas development in Lancashire, North West England, as our case study we argue that the seismic events of 2011, in combination with the Government framing of public scepticism as a matter of information deficit led to an online information divide which constrained how effectively the dominant institutional actors could engage. Between 2011 and 2017, three challenges of online information: complexity, overload and loss of gatekeepers, served to perpetuate this division. Anti-shale gas campaigners were less constrained in their activity but the substantial burden of online activism contributed towards perceptions of disempowerment, as improved information access failed to deliver policy influence. The ultimate consequence was to contribute towards the turn to direct action. Applying a post-political analysis to online activity in information-intensive issues yields valuable insights into the varied ways in which internet use may influence the expression of dissent.

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The transport of natural gas through transmission and distribution networks spans 2.4 million miles of underground and above ground pipelines in the USA. This Perspective uses a critical energy justice framework to analyze Appalachian's everyday lived experiences at the frontline of energy distribution network development. The practice of installing pipelines, as well as the sheer magnitude of the pipeline system, has transformed small rural communities into industrial sites. This Perspective also adds to the emerging concept of energy justice by bringing to the forefront Appalachian residents’ voices in relation to burgeoning pipeline constructions, which are often missing from the debate on energy independence. Energy justice is based on the principle that people should not only have safe and affordable energy, but they should be protected from disproportionate negative impacts associated with generating and transmitting energy as well. Our findings are that those who reside near pipelines express fear of explosions, leaks, and negative health outcomes and are disproportionately impacted. In addition, they are concerned about regulation, state responsibility, and threats of eminent domain. We highlight how these communities are socially affected, and how residents’ daily lives are altered in inequitable ways by the construction of energy distribution networks.

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The present research examines the combined role of the message and source of a news article in persuading political partisans about an environmental policy. In a series of three experiments, we presented participants (total N = 3457) with a realistic news article summarizing scientific evidence concerning the environmental and economic costs and benefits of hydraulic fracturing (fracking). The article’s message was manipulated to support either a conservative (pro-fracking) or liberal (anti-fracking) policy and was attributed to either a conservative news source (Fox News) or a liberal one (MSNBC). Participants who read pro-fracking articles were generally more supportive of fracking than those who read anti-fracking articles, regardless of whether articles were from an ideologically friendly or unfriendly source. Consistent with previous research, however, participants perceived articles with ideologically unfriendly messages to have worse methods than articles with ideologically friendly messages. Finally, liberal participants showed some reduction in resistance to ideologically unfriendly messages coming from an ideologically friendly source, but conservative participants did not. Implications for politicization of environmental policy and future research are discussed.

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This study examined the influence of political ideology and perceptions of benefits and risks upon State Forest recreationists’ support and opposition towards shale natural gas energy development (SGD) on public and private lands in Pennsylvania. Much of the ongoing and proposed Pennsylvania SGD infrastructure is either within or adjacent to public lands, waters, and protected areas, raising concerns about the potential environmental and social impacts upon recreation stakeholders. On-site face-to-face survey interviews were used to gather data from Pennsylvania State Forest recreationists from June to September of 2018 (n = 392). The predominantly local, educated, experienced, and politically moderate sample in this study demonstrated relatively low levels of support towards SGD on Pennsylvania public lands and relatively neutral stances towards support for SGD on private lands in Pennsylvania. Structural equation modeling results suggested that political ideology and perceptions of risks were significant predictors of support for SGD on both public and private lands in Pennsylvania. The relationship between political ideology and support for SGD on public and private lands was also partially mediated through the perceived risk of SGD in the model. Study findings contributed to previous research suggesting political attitudes may influence and supersede other factors when predicting support for SGD. A series of one-way analyses of variance further explored differences by political ideology in this study. In each of these analyses, a similar statistical trend prevailed. Those identifying themselves as conservative were significantly more likely than their moderate and liberal counterparts to support SGD on both public and private lands in Pennsylvania and perceive fewer risks from SGD on Pennsylvania State Forests. This research lent itself to the theory of landscape fit and construal level theory as State Forest recreationists may have perceived the ‘fit’ of SGD negatively and could have construed SGD abstractly, lending themselves to political ideology. From a policy and management standpoint, study findings highlight the importance of assessing and communicating State Forest recreationists’ perceptions and subsequent opinions when planning, developing, and managing SGD and related decisions in the United States.

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Shale gas development can negatively impact those residing in close proximity to projects. Evidence from protests in Europe and the United States suggests a growing prevalence of “NUMBYism” (Not Under My Backyard) sentiment. There is little public discourse about the public acceptance, particularly among those directly affected, of shale gas development in China. Moreover, little research has been done examining whether locally affected publics support or oppose shale gas development, putting policymakers at a disadvantage in terms of risk communication and effective energy governance. Through in-depth interviews with local residents (n = 25) in Weiyuan county that has the largest shale gas reserves in China, the present study extends prior literature on the “NUMBY” phenomenon by exploring local residents’ attitudes toward shale gas development, both locally and distantly. Here we find approximately 20% of our interviewees express views that are consistent with NUMBYism – oppose local development but support or are indifferent to development elsewhere. The rest express views that are fully supportive (52%) or opposed (8%) regardless of local or distant development, or indifferent to local development but either supportive or indifferent to development elsewhere (20%). We find interrelated factors such as national identity – not observed in previous studies – playing an important role in how residents view development. Moreover, drawing upon construal level theory, we also examine the role that different dimensions of psychological distance (e.g., social, temporal, uncertainty, and experiential) may play in explaining these views. These findings may inform policy design and risk communication about shale gas development in China.

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Technologies such as hydraulic fracturing and wastewater injection can elicit strong and sometimes diverging reactions among the public, particularly when there is uncertainty about the associated risks. Understanding how people are weighing potential benefits in the context of these risks can help to address some of the challenges associated with people’s responses, such as community conflict and social disruption—especially when multiple risks intersect, as in the case of induced seismicity. As a relatively new phenomenon, perceived risk of induced seismicity remains an underexplored area in hazards and risk analysis research. Prior work on hydraulic fracturing has revealed that a complex variety of factors influences how the public in a given area perceives the overall impacts, risks, and value of oil and gas operations. This article focuses on findings derived from in-depth interviews and informal conversations with 36 Oklahomans as part of a larger study of social responses to induced seismicity in that state and Colorado. These findings center around participants’ reported concerns, problems, benefits, and new opportunities associated with oil and gas development, including the ways in which participants weigh the costs and benefits of oil and gas development activities—particularly hydraulic fracturing—within the context of induced seismicity.

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Oil and natural gas activity has grown dramatically over the last decade around the United States because, in part, of increased use of unconventional technologies like hydraulic fracturing. Social scientists have examined the broad array of impacts of this growth to communities disproportionately impacted by activity. This paper contributes to that work by using survey and qualitative interviews to examine the experiences of Coloradans with harm created by oil and gas activity when they live adjacent to production or extraction sites. Using a green criminological and critical criminological framing, our findings illuminate that Coloradans in these samples experienced persistent and patterned harm from oil and gas activity to which they lived proximate. Additionally—paralleling criminological literature on street crime—our findings indicate that official state records on harm prevalence is likely inaccurate and that, instead, a “dark figure” of harm exists. This results because of underreporting of harm by those who experience it which occurs in part, at least for those in our sample, because of a lack of trust or sense of fairness in the regulatory process.

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Risky energy technologies are often controversial and debates around them are polarized; in such debates public acceptability is key. Research on public acceptability has emphasized the importance of intrapersonal factors but has largely neglected the influence of interpersonal factors. In an online survey (N = 948) with a representative sample of the United Kingdom, we therefore integrate interpersonal factors (i.e., social influence as measured by social networks) with two risky energy technologies that differ in familiarity (nuclear power vs. shale gas) to examine how these factors explain risk and benefit perceptions and public acceptability. Findings show that benefit perceptions are key in explaining acceptability judgments. However, risk perceptions are more important when people are less familiar with the energy technology. Social network factors affect perceived risks and benefits associated with risky energy technology, hereby indirectly helping to form one's acceptability judgment toward the technology. This effect seems to be present regardless of the perceived familiarity with the energy technology. By integrating interpersonal with intrapersonal factors in an explanatory model, we show how the current “risk–benefit acceptability” model used in risk research can be further developed to advance the current understanding of acceptability formation.

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Assessing the sustainability of energy systems must include attention to the local social and environmental impacts of such energy production, though these do not always easily align with more regional and global concerns. Social science research demonstrates that public perceptions of the social and environmental risks associated with unconventional oil and gas development (glossed by critics as “fracking”) vary both at an individual and community level. This article provides a comparative analysis of three proposed factors that influence risk perceptions: trust in government institutions, socioeconomic profile, and historical experiences with industry. We compare two Colorado communities that each had established a participatory local governance framework to minimize negative environmental impacts from oil and gas developments, but that were characterized by distinct socioeconomic profiles and industrial histories. Our quantitative analysis of citizen comments during public hearings suggests two key findings that were not predicted by the existing literature: neither trust in local government nor historical ties to heavy industry were associated with diminished risk perceptions. These findings suggest new pathways for more constructive engagement among industry, state and local government, and citizens.

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Research demonstrates that opinions about global warming and induced seismicity, earthquakes caused by human activity, are influenced by political party affiliation and ideology more than by education. Republicans and conservatives typically express less concern about environmental issues. One mechanism for how these factors shape opinion is through elite cues, wherein the prominent cultural, economic, and political voices associated with the major U.S. political parties provide guideposts that laypeople may use to form their opinions, particularly for complex social issues. Using two waves (n = 2586 and n = 2581) from a statewide survey in Oklahoma (USA), we explore the effects of political party affiliation, ideology, and education on residents’ opinions about the causes of and risk associated with these phenomena using Ordinary Least Squares and binary logistic regression equations. We examine whether these factors have a larger impact on opinions about global warming or induced seismicity using seemingly unrelated regression for the OLS equations and seemingly unrelated estimation for the binary logistic equations. These methods allow a global warming model to be estimated simultaneously with an earthquake model using the same independent variables. Consistent with other research, we found strong evidence that Republicans and conservatives perceive less risk from global warming and earthquakes than Democrats and liberals. However, the moderating effect of education on these environmental beliefs was not significant. The effects of political party affiliation and ideology were stronger for the opinions about global warming, which we hypothesize may be explained by the concept of psychological distance. This is an area for further research.

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Hydraulic fracturing has transformed how unconventional natural gas and oil resources are extracted across the globe, with much disagreement over its potential environmental impacts, as well as the likelihood of those impacts. Using in-depth interviews, this study examines the views of two stakeholder groups, academic scientists and local governmental representatives, who have been involved in the debate over hydraulic fracturing in Texas’s Dallas-Fort Worth region, fracking’s modern-day birthplace. I explore how individuals within these two groups discuss uncertainty, and how they think their uncertainty framing impacts the public’s perceptions of them. In addition, this study adds to previous research on how expert groups frame uncertainty by integrating Wynne’s (1992) expanded typology of uncertainty, which includes the concepts of risk, uncertainty, ignorance, and indeterminacy.

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This analysis of in-depth interviews with members of Frack Free Denton and Denton Taxpayers for a Strong Economy explores the dynamic divide caused by hydraulic fracturing in Denton, Texas. The most vocal and persuasive groups involved in the debate have discursive power to influence public opinion, which in turn shapes policies and practices. This analysis shows that pro- and anti-fracking groups conveyed an attachment to and ownership of the local land and engaged in harsh “othering” discourse to describe the opposing group. This study contributes to scholarly understandings of the relationship(s) between public perceptions of hydraulic fracturing, land use, and proximity.

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Hydraulic fracturing (or “fracking”) is one of the most controversial energy production processes in the United States and globally. In democracies, maintaining energy policy on politically salient and controversial issues, such as the use of fracking, depends on popular support at local if not national levels. We therefore study the effectiveness of widely cited arguments about fracking in a representative sample of the United States. Consistent with framing theory, we find that arguments that emphasize the environmental costs of fracking drive down support, while arguments emphasizing job creation and energy security increase it. However, we also show that presenting competing information from pro-fracking and anti-fracking frames together neutralizes individual framing effects, albeit not for every combination of frames and counter-frames. Framing effects become stronger when arguments, particularly about water contamination, are congruent with respondents’ pre-existing beliefs, which may lead to further polarization in the public debate. The exact kinds of arguments and how they are paired with one another do matter—a finding that is relevant for our understanding of public opinion on climate change and renewable energy policy more broadly.

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The use of hydraulic fracturing (fracking) to extract oil and gas has generated intense debates in many countries. While the volume of empirical research on fracking attitudes internationally has grown considerably, there remains a need to focus attention on local contexts in which fracking takes place given the high degrees of variability in factors affecting attitude formation at the local scale. The Province of Alberta is a focal point for oil and gas development in Canada, and fracking has been expanding rapidly here, but little research has been conducted on attitudes toward fracking in this province, particularly in communities located in fracking zones. Understanding local perspectives toward fracking is critically important for tailoring energy policies that reflect local interest and concern. We examine perspectives about fracking among residents in three Alberta municipalities, each of which has experienced unique political-economic relationships with the energy industry. Our results suggest that trust, knowledge, and gender (male) are positively associated with fracking support. Notably, in a high energy-dependence community, residents express strong support despite experience with the impacts of fracking, and trust is expressed differently toward government organizations across the three study sites, signalling the importance of local context to fracking attitudes.

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This mixed-methods study examined the impacts of shale natural gas energy development (SGD) related activities upon outdoor recreation in Pennsylvania. Much of the ongoing and proposed SGD infrastructure in Pennsylvania is located either within or adjacent to public lands, waters, and protected areas, raising concerns about the potential environmental and social impacts upon recreation stakeholders. The extensive body of SGD research within the United States has suggested there are numerous positive and negative impacts upon the general public. Yet, the impact of SGD upon outdoor recreation users remains unclear. While SGD impacts are becoming progressively evident to both recreationists and natural resource managers, few studies have sought to specifically assess the extent to which SGD alters outdoor recreation behaviors, experiences, and activities. This statewide survey of Pennsylvanians (n = 2240) found that 23.4% of respondents had encountered SGD related activities while participating in outdoor recreation. Study findings also noted that 13.8% of respondents had changed their outdoor recreation behaviors or experiences as a result of encountering SGD related activities. Moreover, a sub-sample, representing 12.3% of respondents, identified specific SGD related impacts (e.g., aesthetic, environmental, infrastructure) upon their outdoor recreation behaviors, experience, and activities which sometimes resulted in substitution behaviors and/or a lack of perceived ‘fit’ between the energy development and the landscape and environment. From a policy and management standpoint, study findings highlight the specific and nuanced impacts of SGD upon certain sub-populations of outdoor recreationists as well as the importance of assessing and communicating recreation experience and use impacts to all recreationists when planning, developing, and managing SGD and related decisions in the United States. Management Implications This study found that only a small population of Pennsylvania outdoor recreationists were impacted by SGD related activities. In the regions of Pennsylvania where SGD was most prominent (e.g., North Central and Southwest), outdoor recreation impacts were considerably higher. Moreover, a sub-sample of respondents found that SGD impacted their outdoor recreation behaviors, their in situ recreation experiences, and/or the environmental setting and landscape in which they recreated. Study findings suggest a two-tiered communication approach, accounting for perceptions of both behavioral and/or landscape environmental quality impacts, may be the most comprehensive strategy for addressing and communicating the impacts of SGD upon outdoor recreationists.

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Impacts from energy development have been shown to affect different demographic, stakeholder, and community groups in different ways, which in turn may differ across energy regimes, project lifecycles, and geographies. This research examines the social and structural influences which may amplify or attenuate the varied impacts of unconventional oil and gas development (UOGD) in a heretofore under-examined energy impact geography: the periphery region of Ohio’s Utica Shale. We conduct fifty-four (54) interviews in five Ohio communities to test and extend the Goldilocks Zone analytic framework of energy impacts, in which some energy periphery communities have been shown to experience moderate, positive spillover economic gains but minimal social harms in virtue of their socio-geographic distance from core UOGD activity. We find support for a Goldilocks Zone in the Utica Shale periphery, however the size and strength of effects are attenuated by the varied population densities, geographic and political economy diversities, natural resource legacies, and industry mixes and dependences of the Appalachian Range. This research contributes to the limited scholarship examining the effects of energy development in periphery impact geographies as well as provides baseline energy impact and perception data in a region that has received very little academic scrutiny despite ongoing and significant future potential for unconventional oil and gas development. Finally, this article tests and extends the Goldilocks Zone of energy impacts analytic framework in a new social, geographic, and energy context.

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Political conservatives are consistently more supportive of hydraulic fracturing (fracking) in the U.S., while political liberals are consistently more opposed, yet the processes shaping this division are largely unexplored. Here, we illustrate how political polarization in support for fracking can be understood by how risk and benefit perceptions mediate the relationship between political ideology and support for fracking, with liberals seeing greater risk and less benefit. Importantly, however, especially for understanding opinion formation around the issue of fracking, perceived knowledge exacerbates this division. Liberals who report being more informed about fracking are likely to see greater risk from fracking. Conservatives who report being more informed, however, do not see a significantly different level of risk than do conservatives who are less informed but are much more likely than any other group to see greater benefit from fracking. The result is that those who perceive themselves as highly knowledgeable about fracking are the most likely to be polarized by political ideology in their perceptions of the level of risk and benefit associated with fracking and, in turn, their level of support for the technology. We discuss the implications of these findings for communication and decision-making in the politically polarized environment around fracking.

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Hydraulic fracturing or “fracking” is an emerging “unconventional” technology in the oil and gas exploitation sector linked to high levels of uncertainty. In this paper, we examine the level of support for fracking in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador. This province is also one of the regions of the country in which fracking could be performed and whose economy could substantially benefit from the availability of this new source of energy resources. However, there remain serious obstacles to the social acceptability of fracking among the people of Newfoundland and Labrador and, in particular, the prospect of fracking in Western Newfoundland is a highly controversial issue. This area hosts one of the most highly valuable natural areas in the province (Gros Morne National Park). We identify key factors to oppose or support fracking. Using a multinomial logit model, we characterize different groups of citizens who oppose or support fracking and also other ‘conventional’ extractive technologies. Institutional issues, environmental risks, and socio-economic factors will be considered when explaining attitudes towards fracking. Further understanding the acceptability of this ‘unconventional’ technology should help public regulators make decisions and design optimal policies in the oil and gas extraction sector.